Monday, February 23, 2009

Essay#2: Some argue that multilateralism in trade and free conver



Essay#2: Some argue that multilateralism in trade and free convertibility of currencies are important economic bases for securing peace. Explain the logic of this argument and whether you agree with it.


Many contemporary scholars of both international relations theory and economics argue that both multilateralism in trade and free convertibility of currencies are two important economic bases for securing world peace. The defensible logic of their argument is derived from the expectation on the outcome of a serious wager; the wager that states will opt to favor peace in lieu of war amidst one another. This presumption situates itself on the belief that states currently recognize that directing hostile military aggression towards one another would greatly undermine and damage the complicated, fragile, and interwoven web of Complex [economic] Interdependence existing within the world today. Therefore the proponents of this economic-peace theory are confident that states now recognize that any major disruption in the delicate yet strained balance of economic interdependence existing between them, would initiate a chain reaction of grave economic consequences; possibly consummating itself in another Great Depression (1930s). The advocates of this theory believe that states will espouse peace in lieu of war in order to preserve both the Complex [economic] Interdependence and the world's economic stability. The logic of this argument is not new but only an updated version of the former balance of power strategy used prior mid-19th century when the basic unit measuring a state's power then was territory. Now, in lieu of territory, the basic units measuring the power of states are both wealth and monetary lending ability; these two items give states enormous power and influence over one another. Hence strong financial states possessing abilities to lend and export capital are able to dictate the terms of their loans to the state in dire financial need; giving the lending state great leverage over both the economic and political policies of the borrower state. My hypothesis is dual: First, I argue that the French Revolution produced a hospitable world atmosphere in which an interconnected and complex interdependent economic relationship between states was enabled to emerge. Second, I argue that the former balance power used by states prior mid 19th century in attempts to secure world peace underwent a transformation in both ideas and objectives. Formerly, the balance of power objectives consisted of both defending a states integrity both externally (territory) and internally (political turmoil). These former objectives were replaced by the inverse objective of New Imperialism beginning in the late 1800s. New Imperialism enabled multilateral financial cartels to expand by invading the territories of weaker and less developed states e.g., primarily those states southern to the equator in order to exploit both their natural resources and cheap human labor. Examples include but are not limited to exploitation of the diamond mines in South Africa and infiltration of the Middle East for oil. Hilferding refers to the era between the 1880s-1900s as the age of Finance Kapital e.g., when both banking and industrial interests unified themselves as allies for the purpose of acquiring monetary gains. The era of Finance Kapital grew as more banks, industrial monopolies, and financial cartels unified themselves thus growing in worldwide power.


As the financial cartels grew, so did the hostilities stemming from the exploited southern states below the equator. The scramble for claims on new lands for foreign investment opportunities by multilateralists was the cause of many liberation wars during this time as exploited states retaliated against multilateralist efforts to lay claims on their land, resources, and citizenry. As history reveals, the economic peace theory did not turn out as expected. Although it first seemed likely that powerful international economic cartels could both steer the worlds economy and control the weaker more underdeveloped states by using threats of withholding greatly needed capital from them, many exploited states turned to socialism and communism to counteract multilateralist exploitation. Thus multilateralism was partially responsible for the Russian Revolution in 1917 due to the impact that multilateralist exploitation had on political thinkers such as Lenin (1916) and Burkharin (1915); directly leading to the Russian Revolution (1917). Likewise many other states such as Germany and some in Latin America resorted to either communism or socialism political practices in attempts to temper the exploitation of the multilateral cartels. As history also reveals, the formation of communism is Russia led to the Cold War and not to peace as the economic peace theory asserts. In addition, Multilateralism directly paved the way to WWI. Some of the many wars fought throughout the Financial Kapital era include but are not limited to The Mexican Revolution (1910-1920), European Conflicts throughout 1898, and conflicts in the Ottoman Empire. The last era of conflicts was one in which all major powers involved themselves in for various struggles for power and wealth (1880-1914) culminating with the inception of WWI in Sarajevo (1914). Evident by the Conference in Paris (1916) was that peace would never be achieved by the economic peace theory. Sadly enough, statesmen seemed to have lost their short term memories as to what brought on WWI in the first place (struggles for power and wealth). Prior to the war's end in Paris, both Britain and France, who were later joined by other great powers such as the United States, met in order to decide in what manner the spoils of WWI would be divided amidst the victors. Thus the great powers gave no thought of a possible replay of WWI which history reveals did indeed occur as WWII reveals. The seeds of the economic-peace theory was planted in 1909-1911 (China Consortium Agreement) and fully bloomed by 1914 when the League to Enforce the Peace was constructed. Its members were comprised of private British and American business persons that spoke of how world peace could be secured through an economic cartel so powerful, that it would not be subject to state governments, but inversely, the state governments of the world would be subjected to it. Multilateralists such as the Morgan's, Rothchild's, and Citibank agreed that it was in their best financial interest to unify themselves. By obtaining control of the worlds economic resources and wealth, they believed that they would henceforth both dictate and steer the international political economy of the world e.g., which also included dictating the political policy formation of state governments in many cases. Their first success came in 1928 with the Redline Agreement and expanded from there with both the Kellogg War Agreement and the Washington Treaty in 1921-1922. Thereby multilateralism became the new United States policy post WWI with the creation of new institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank.


These multilateral institutions would act as a single financial voice throughout the world; no state government would be able to obtain necessary loans for privations or war unless they met the terms dictated to them these economic cartels. Multilateralists also saw the new market of war financing as an extremely attractive market by which they could obtain handsome monetary profits by lending governments money to make war. The problem with the economic-peace theory begins here in that the multilateral innovative idea of lending governments money to make war does not perpetuate the anti-war atmosphere needed for multilaterism to thrive in. Multilaterists did not immediately recognize this fault in their theory but instead argued that greater peace and prosperity between states would be an obvious consequence of further extending multilateralism in trade and free currency convertibility worldwide which included the business of financing war for profit. What the proponents of multilateralism in trade and free currency convertibility distinctively recognized was the immense monetary gains they would obtain by institutionalization of their economic-peace theory on a worldwide scale; hence their theory was implemented. The attractive latent effect of immense capital gains obtainable by the wealthy northern states at a consequence of exploiting both the citizenry and resources of the southern states below the equator was the necessary thrust drove this theory into action. Thus the multilateralism's latent agenda of greed was overshadowed to many people by their benevolent persuasive discourse that their economic-peace theory would construct greater world peace based on economic interdependence. It worthy to note that both Multilateralism in trade and free currency convertibility emerged as the popular economic doctrine during the French Revolutionary period when Britain required new investment opportunities due to Britain's rapidly expanding internal capital reserves. Britain's financial growth at that time period was a result of former French nobility and other wealthy people depositing their capital in British banks in London. Multilaterists realized that land was easily conquered in contrast to a countries financial center, especially when it was interconnected to the financial centers of other states and private financial cartels around the world. Thus Britain emerged as a powerful financial hegemony in lieu of France in 1795. Britain's rise as a financial hegemony in lieu of France was directly related to the fact that France adhered to extreme protectionism in its trade policies largely comprised of trade barriers, high tariffs, and fixed currency rates. This urged wealthy Frenchman to deposit their capital reserves and holdings in British banks in London in lieu of France; causing France to further lose financial holdings. The stark difference between the economic growth of Britain and France at the time was also largely dependent upon Britain's using notes of exchange for payments when trading with other states instead of cash. Neal, Laison, and Skidmore, all correctly indicate the importance of currency convertibility in world trade. This point is most eloquently shown by the initiation of WWI in 1914, at which time Britain declined as a financial hegemony and the United States succeeded this role. Britain's decline as a financial hegemony was a result of Britain returning to the gold standard and fixed currency exchange rates in the 1870s along with Britain's involvement in WWI.


The United States was able to remain out of WWI until April 1917 avoiding much of the war debt that Britain had incurred. We can also attribute much of the Great Depression in 1930 to the result of states returning to the gold standard and fixed exchange rates from the 1870s to a short period following the conclusion of WWI. It is now recognizable thereby the balance of power was transformed post the early to mid-19th century by the emergence of multilateralism. Post the French Revolution, the former balance of power underwent a transformation in ideas. States no longer saw self-sufficiency, land, and mercantilism as the way to become recognized as a great world power. Contrarily, a state's rise and recognition as a great power in the world was highly dependant upon that state's ability to both export and lend capital in addition to its ability to unify itself to the tightly knitted group of powerful and wealthy international investment bankers. Thus multilateral financial institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank were formed and expanded based on this change of ideas. I argue the former balance of power which focused primarily on land, now focuses on wealth. Thus it is justifiable that the former balance of power can now be called the balance of wealth (struggle for power and wealth between existing men, states, and nations. It is also worthy of mentioning that not all people adhere to multilaterism in the identical manner that the highly developed states do. Some states do not use currency as their prime indicator of wealth but wives, cattle, and food. Notwithstanding, the struggle for power and wealth seems pervasive in all cultures, tribal included. Both Gentz and Hume may also be used to support my hypothesis that the former balance of power underwent a great transformation in ideas post the French Revolution due to the emergence of multilateralism. The former language used in the 18th century to discuss both the balance of power and collective security systems such as the Concert of Europe in 1815 greatly differs to Neal's modern day economic discourse and language when referring to the same concepts. This is revealed in Neal's referring to contemporary collective security systems in new financial discourse and language by calling them by their modern day monetary organizational names such as the IMF, World Bank, Multinational Corporations, and Investment Bankers. These are some of the new collective security systems in which our world is now subject to for financial capital needs in order to make war. Starting after the mid to late 19th century, there existed a continuous relationship between capital and war financing; thus placing the state governments subject to the international war financiers of which the J.P. Morgan Company was the largest. The inception of war financing changed the rules of war forevermore. During the 1700s no civilians were soldiers but the nobility was; they fought for free as vassals paying homage to their Lord. After this practice ended, states required dependency on large monetary loans to finance their wars from private international bankers who reaped the profits thereof. War was thus transformed into a profitable market. States now required massive conscription and financial loans to pay the peasant soldiers and citizens to fight. Thus statism in combination with new weapons of mass destruction (WWII and Hitler) ushered in a new era of total warfare in which those who profited were the private war financiers who were more than happy to assist states in war making with their monetary loans for profit.


In 1792 the French government instituted the first universal draft ever in world history. These war financiers are the contemporary proponents of this economic-peace theory that so many contemporary scholars so readily accept as the means that will achieve world peace; a peace that is supposed to emerge through multilateral trade, free currency exchange, war financing, and exploitation of weaker states in the world. If one still believes that this economic-peace theory is able to produce greater world harmony after the reading the immense historical evidence presented regarding the numerous wars created by the struggles for power and wealth; then one must ask oneself how these numerous wars that I have mentioned came into being in the first place if the economic-peace theory actually is able to secure greater world peace. My answer is that it cannot. If Complex Interdependence really promoted an anti-war atmosphere between states; primarily a consequence of the substantial reciprocal economic trading advantages that all states in the world would enjoy under such conditions; why are so many men, woman, and children dying of starvation in southern states below the equator while the northern standard of living is quite luxurious? The answer is obviously that Multilateralism in trade and free currency convertibility does not lead to an idealistic utopian society of peace; but the inverse thereof e.g., grave inequalities in the distribution of the worlds wealth and resources. If the economic-peace theory truly worked, we would today notice all states enjoying the benefits of both a comparative and absolute trading advantage due to specialization which would enable states to maximize their trading profits without the despotism of multilateral cartels whose actions seem more similar to those of most organized crime syndicates. If the economic-peace theory worked, states would be using their own trade profits and capital surplus to further their state's economic, industrial, and social needs while fulfilling the basic physiological needs of their citizenry. I do not see this result in contemporary society today; therefore I currently believe that this economic-peace theory does not secure a world of greater peace and cooperation. Instead I see a world in which hostilities and jealousies replace mutual economic cooperation between states based on the concepts of both multilateral trade and free currency convertibility. Hume argues that free trade without barriers would allow states to share and enjoy greater equally in the resources and monetary profits of our earth. Thus, men would realize that mutual cooperation is advantageous to war since no one nation can possess all the recourses that it needs to survive. Both multilateralism and free currency convertibility also fails to justify its argument that it is able to secure world peace when we recognize politicians and governments are still catering and placating the Military Industrial Complex Cartels. It is questionable whether the economic argument for peace can realistically reach such unrealistic ends. War has always plagued mankind, and there seems to be no indications that this distinct theory will stop war. If anything, the economic-peace theory has been the cause of more wars then it has been an advocate for world peace via greed. The outcome of this argument remains to be seen and will greatly depend on the fair behavior of the many economic international actors and interest blocs; some of which, but are not limited to the IMF, World Bank, Int'l Investors, MNC's, WTO, and the extent of social justice pervasive in the world government today.


Many governments are extremely suspicious of multilateral trade and free currency exchange and prefer a more nationalist and protectionism approach to their state economies such as the United States had in 1944 when instituting the Bretton Woods Agreement which set the dollar to a fixed rate dependent on the gold standard. Bretton Woods revealed the many failures of fixed currency exchange rates in an evolving world in which multilateral trade is unable to survive without floating currency. Economic recovery in the 1950s Europe post WWII was congruent with enlarged military spending by the United States to finance military crusades in Vietnam, Korea, and Cold War expenditures including social welfare programs directed to compete with the Communists; again showing the failure of the economic-peace theory. This in turn created a balance of payments deficit in the United States, which alarmed many foreign investors. As the number of dollars held by foreigners overseas grew larger than the United States Gold Reserves actually possessed, this caused a "run on the dollar." In 1971 former President Nixxon tried to regulate this financial crisis caused by Bretton Woods fixed exchange rates by instituting a belt tightening strategy which led to both inflation and an interest rate hike indicating the incompatibility of fixed exchange rates with the new epoch of deepening international economic interdependence and multilateral trade. Where international trade and foreign exchange rates are constantly changing, no nation can depend on a fixed currency rate as the Bretton Woods failure taught us. The end of the Bretton Woods came as the world pushed forward in foreign investments and multilateral trade which produced an asymmetrical economic interdependence wherein the losers in the economic-peace theory are dependent on the winners (IMF and World Banks). Scholars should ask if this theory is working at all just by analyzing the asymmetrical interdependent economic balance between the northern and the southern states below the equator (the great economic divide). The last war that I will mention over the endless struggle for power and wealth is the Opium Wars between the U.K and China. Thus we realize that the real winners in these endless battles for power and wealth are the human vices that cause: war, and human rights violations in the name of theories such as this one. Sad but true, due to human nature, as history reveals, the continual struggle and competition for power and wealth between states and men never seems to end. From the United States intervention in Iran to the voices of the ghosts of the soldiers who died during Desert Storm, I hear the same reoccurring historical theme that sadly nullifies any hope that this economic-peace theory can stop war or even that it can create world peace at all through multilateralism in trade and free exchange of currency convertibility. Instead it presents us with the clear and present dangers of those vices which are continually inherent within all human beings; namely lust for greed, respect, and power. Based on the track record of world history it seems that there is no greater a hope that economic means will achieve the perpetual peace Kant speaks of anymore than the former balance of power did prior to the French Revolution. War financing for profit and dollar diplomacy is more likened to of serious game of Russian Roulette than to a realistic strategy for perpetual world peace.


While the current economic argument that multilateralism in trade and free currency convertibility will result in a more peaceful world seems plausible, it is not likely that we will see this occur anytime soon in our own lifetime anyway (1998-----onward)


By Miss Jill Starr


My Bibliographical Sources Cited


Works
Cited








[1]
Machiavellian diplomacy and international relations theory directed a
country’s foreign policy initiatives upon its own selfish


national
state interests and not on any goals of constructing world peace.


[2] The
Balance of Power system of early European diplomacy premised itself
on each country possessing a relatively equal


amount
of power. Enough to keep any one state power from dominating the
others and thus deterred war while producing some


semblance
of peace and stability.


[3]
Both the Cold War and also NATO’s 78 day undeclared war against
Yugoslavia (1999) elucidate this United States inclination


in its
foreign policy and diplomacy.


[4]
John Quincy Adams, Address of July 4th, 1821, in Walter LaFeber, ed.
John Quincy Adams and American Continental


Empire
(Chicago: Times Books, 1965), p.45.


[5]
Woodrow Wilson, Annual Message to Congress on the State of the Union,
December 7th, 1915, in Thte Papers of Woodrow


Wilson,
vol. 35, p.297.


[6]
Woodrow Wilson Commencement Address at the U.S. Military Academy at
West Point, June 13, 1916, in The Papers of


Woodrow
Wilson, vol. 37, pp. 212ff.


[7]
George Washington’s Farewell Address, September 17th, 1796,
Reprinted as Senate Document no. 3, 102nd Congress, 1st


Session,
(Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1991), pp. 24.


[8]
Jefferson’s Letter to Mme. La Duchesse D’Auville, April
2, 1790, in Paul Leicester Ford, ed., in Tucker Hendrickson, “Thomas


Jefferson,”
p. 139.


[9]
Mikhail Gorbachev, Gorbachev: Mandate for Peace, Paperjack’s
Limited Press, New York, N.Y., 1987, pp.30-31.


[10]
Alexander Hamilton, “The Federalist, No.6”, in Edward
Mead Earle,ed., The Federalist, (New York: Modern Library 1941), pp.


30-31.


[11]
President George Bush, “The U.N.: World Parliament of Peace,”
address to the U.N. General Assembly, New York, October 1,


1990,
in Dispatch, (U.S. Department of State), vol. 1 no. 6 (October 8th
1990) p. 152.


[12]
President Bill Clinton, “Confronting the Challenges of a
Broader World,” address to the U.N. General Assembly, New York,


September
27, 1993 in Dispatch (U.S. Dept. of State), vol. 4 no. 39 (September
27th 1993), p. 650.


[13]
NATO’s unilateral nuclear militarism launched without first
obtaining UN Security Council authorization for 78 days in an


illegal
undeclared war waged against Yugoslavia, served to seriously
undermine some very important diplomatic ties that America


had
worked hard for several decades to establish e.g., China, Russia,
Greece etc. It also led to dangerously destabilizing the entire


Balkan
Peninsula in which the hostilities could easily have spread into
Greece, Turkey and also elsewhere. This incident was also


very
closely reminiscent of whereby both world wars previously occurred in
almost the same Balkan area. The Clinton


Administration
was logistically unprepared to provide for the mass waves of Albanian
refugees fleeing from Kosovo into


Macedonia.
Simultaneously, a NATO air carrier accidentally bombed the Chinese
Embassy in Yugoslavia during the height of


the Cox
scandal. This entire disaster could had been prevented if only
American diplomacy had been previously revised by


policymakers
into a more pragmatically applicable methodology capable of dealing
with these and other 21st century civil war


crises.
But instead, NATO’s war against Yugoslavia leaves serious
international legal questions soon to be resolved at the Hague


as to
whether NATO leaders’ themselves committed crimes against
humanity in undertaking unilateral militarism against


Yugoslavia
and firing directly on international legally protected cultural and
civilian targets (UNESCO). The war also greatly


increased
alienation between both China and Russia against the United States
and its novel idea of intervening militarily as a


Humanitarian
Interventionist necessity for promoting world peace and stability. A
United Nations investigation recently


revealed
that the NATO used illegal depleted uranium weaponry. According to
international law, using depleted uranium


weaponry
when engaging in war hostilities is a war crime since DU is
contraband. This further leaves another serious legal


question
unresolved as to whether NATO leaders should be tried for war crimes
at the Hague similarly to former Yugoslav


President
Slobodan Milosevic.


[14]
Holtsi, War and the State of War, Cambridge University Press, New
York, N.Y., 1991, pp. 100-101.


[15] As
the unwillingness of many countries to accept American values has
shown.




1







AMCintry2letter


Miss
Jill Louise Starr


P.O.
BOX 635


Newfoundland,
New Jersey 07435


USA
(973) 208-8372


Case#02-00-2081
& Case#02-99-2132





Graduate
Faculty Dean Daniel McIntyre


New
School University - Dept. of Political and Social Sciences


65
Fifth Avenue


New
York N.Y. 10003





April
29th 2000-04-28








Dear
Dean Daniel McIntyre,



Nowhere
in any New School correspondences has the New School for Social
Research offered to accommodate either of my two permanent
disabilities (emotional and physical) in reference to completing my
class entitled "Political Development'. I demand at least, a
one-year extension to complete the required class and to submit my
paper in order to resolve the incomplete I received for the Political
Development class.







In addition, I further demand that the New School for
Social Research accommodate every single one of the recommended
disability accommodations that my doctor has previously demanded that
the New School give me so that I may complete this class. Anything
less is totally unacceptable to me.





Furthermore,
your attorney's should contact the Office for Civil Rights (District
II) in conjunction with the United States Department of Education who
are acting as my attorney's in resolving my two New School Disability
Discrimination Cases as aforementioned against the New School for
Social Research. They will assist the new School to come to an
amicable agreement as to who will be grading my paper when it is
complete since Professor Adamantia Pollis is proven to be too biased
to do so herself.











In addition to the aforementioned one year extension
and as many medical accommodations and time my doctors deem necessary
for me to complete this class Political Development, due to the New
School committing vile and ongoing disability and human rights
discrimination against me, and also impeding my moving forward with
my life for over one year and counting, and also for the untallyable
amounts of slander, liable and irreversible emotional abusive torture
that the New School for Social Research administrators and professors
have put me unnecessarily through, I demand a monetary settlement of
not less than One Million Dollars!







Let me remind you Dean Daniel McIntyre that even the
United Nations Charter (1948) states that all Human Life has
"dignity and worth". The New School for Social Research and
its affiliated administrative discriminators have for over one year
to date regarded my own human life as having no human worth
whatsoever! Therefore, I demand the aforementioned monetary
settlement without which, this case is not reconciled.






Respectfully,








Miss
Jill Louise Starr





Cc:
Office for Civil Rights in conjunction with the U.S. Dept. of
Education (District II) New York.



WORDLPEACEfdu



Impediments
to Peace:



United States
Political & Moral Willpower Into the 21st Century &
Beyond







"The
Parties undertake, as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations,
to settle any international dispute in which they may have been
involved by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace
and security and justice are not endangered, and to refrain in their
international relations from the threat or use of force in any manner
inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations."






---------
The North Atlantic Treaty - Article I, (4 April 1949)







I.
Introduction



Insofar as
endeavoring objectively to effectuate world peace and perpetual human
survival, no first world superpower in the 20th century has invoked
greater rhetorical claims waging war is a reasonable means to achieve
the eventual end of constructing world peace, than the Untied States
of America. This paper critically analyzes this widely held
political prescription that “Might Makes Right,” as a
means for effectuating Kant’s noble goal of Perpetual Peace,
whilst re-examining its continued feasibility into the 21st
century. It additionally argues the United States failure to
objectively practice the identical high minded human rights political
and moral willpower it demands less powerful states' adhere to,
seriously damages both United States respectability and credibility
before other United Nations member states within the United Nations
purview. The conclusion emphasizes wherefore world peace and
perpetual human survival will not be achieved unless the United
States and its future foreign policy initiatives include objectively
practicing customarily accepted international legal norms of the
Geneva Convention as well as America subjecting itself as a nation to
a newly constructed international criminal court.







It hopes that
America’s willingness to do so will both remedying the
aforementioned credibility issue America now faces at the United
Nations as well as ensuring the United States is always viewed as the
shining beacon of democracy our Founding Father's envisaged when they
arrived at Plymouth Rock.








  1. The
    Relationship Between the United States and the International
    Criminal Court








American human
rights scholars, advisors to the American President and other high
ranking military officials have always tended migrating towards one
of two bipolar views in analyzing the future directions of American
foreign policy, human rights objectives and preventive diplomacy.
Scholars on one hand purport the United States continually fails
producing the necessary political and moral willpower objectively
insofar as implementing the identical high-minded humanitarian and
social justice standards it demands other less powerful developing
states adhere. And by doing so, these same scholars assert America
continually fails to lead the world by genuine democratic example.
It is moreover argued that the aforementioned is a social fact owing
to the many occasions that America itself has committed gross
violations of human rights by breaching international criminal law,
the
1United
Nations Charter, NATO’s Treaty and of violating many other
important internationally agreed upon Treaties including the Geneva
Conventions on War Crimes (1948).
2



This has been
increasingly manifest in the American news media after the
Afghanistan and Iraqi invasion by its coverage of all types of
alleged torture treatment made by American soldiers in their handling
of prisoners of war from those regions. Many say this was also made
manifest during the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia when NATO had used
depleted uranium and cluster bombs against Serbia, both are
internationally contraband weapons.
3
It is the strongly held view of this group of political scholars
that the such acts implemented by the United States during times of
war undermine global social justice for all as well as the importance
of upholding important human rights standards meant to enshrine human
dignity for humanity at home and abroad. Maintaining this remains
one of the largest impediments left in achieving world peace, they
also claim the incessant objections emanating from certain United
States politicians such as Republican Senator Jesse Helms whom
vehemently opposes the United States subjecting itself to an
International Criminal Court makes of mere mockery of the United
States human rights record manifesting American western liberal
democracy as purely hypocritical before the rest of the world.



The
other most largely held bipolar scholarly argument asserts itself as
‘The Third Way.’ Its theoretical creator English scholar
Anthony Giddens is Director of London’s School of Economics as
well as the man perhaps known best as being British Prime Minister
Tony Blair's political guru. Giddens himself defines this view as
being the new democratic and moral state imperative into the 21st
century forward. According to Giddens view, both America and Britain
are what he considers, new democratic states. This concept of
the new democratic state into the 21st century
purports the position that first world democratic powers no longer
bound by the United Nations and its customarily accepted
international criminal legal norms.



According to
those espousing his theoretical argument, powerful democratic
countries like America possess a new modish capacity. They exist as
democratic role models for other non-democratic states such as Serbia
and Cuba who must be willing to model their governments after that of
the new democratic states. Furthermore Giddens supports the position
the United States and England dictate declarations of war and peace
by this moral political imperative of making the world safe for
democracy, a take on Woodrow Wilson’s democratic peace theory.
This is seen in his viewpoint that America and Britain possess
privileges or moral political imperatives that as powerful new
democratic states, they possess the right to intervene militarily
unilaterally, without United Nations Security Council approval, in
the political affairs of non-democratic governed sovereign states in
order to alter their political structure and make them western styled
democratic states in governance.



Exemplary of
Giddens’ new moral foreign policy initiatives are manifest in
NATO’s military intervention in Kosovo in 1999 and Bosnia in
1991. Giddens like his successor former United
States President Woodrow Wilson strongly believes global world peace
can’t be achieved until every nation/state in the world
espouses, and objectively practices western styled liberal democratic
governance. This means in the most basic sense, that powerful
democratic states possess a special God given privilege as well as a
special political moral imperative to help the rest of the world
construct world peace. And this future envisioned world peace will
only come after the United States and Britain coerce militarily (if
necessary) the rest of the world to espouse and model themselves
after western liberal democracies. Scholars of ‘The Third Way’
believe that America and its western European allies have the
exclusive right to ‘renew social democracy wherever it can be
implemented.



This
justification has been used by both the Clinton administration in its
unilateral 199 bombing of Serbia as well as the Bush administration
in its invasion of both Afghanistan and Iraq. The former group of
scholars argue this point of view is not only hypocritical, but that
no state in the world possesses the exclusive privilege to wage war
unilaterally on another sovereign state without prior approval by the
other United Nations member states and the Security Council.
Both
groups may agree that in a post-Cold War world, when any internal
state conflict erupts such as genocidal civil war, this is indicative
that political change is imperative in the patterns of the way in
which that particular state previously governed itself.











VI.
What America Can Do



Only time will
tell whether the seemingly never ending debate between all these
competing groups of human rights scholars will resolve itself and if
the future path of United States foreign policy will take a more
internationalist approach. In the meantime however, America can
advocate a more positive stance and assist the United Nation member
states and itself in effectuating future world peace by leading by
objective democratic example and not in mere political principle
alone. Principle without practice is as useless as the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights without being implemented globally to all
humanity. Both sad and ironic is that ever since the development of
international criminal law and associated tribunals began, America,
the world’s greatest democratic superpower continues resisting
their influence. At this junction it is not necessary to go into a
lengthy discussion as to why. By now political analysts should be
acquainted with the field well enough to realize America primarily
has resisted subjecting itself to the same international legal
standards it demands other less powerful states adhere to owing
solely to concerns:




  1. That former
    United States Officials such as Doctor Henry Kissinger will one day
    be extradited to the Hague War Crimes tribunal on alleged war crimes
    they themselves may have committed during time served in office;





  1. Servicemen/women
    on Duty in places such as Afghanistan and Iraq will similarly be
    summoned to the Hague or future International Criminal Court should
    one be constructed for committing war crimes. Exemplary is the
    recent manifestation of the sex war crimes committed by U.S. female
    servicewoman, Lindsey England, in Iraq (See cover of New York July
    2004);





  1. And that the
    United States, in and of itself will be constrained in pursuing its
    own narrow national state interests by a future international
    criminal court with legal jurisdiction over America in an equal
    manner it would other states such as Yugoslavia.









However, during
the summer (June 1998), the United States possessed a strong enough
interest to send several important diplomatic representatives to Rome
Italy to participate in the original drafting of the Rome Statute.
4
The United States was particularly interested in drafting the part
of the Rome Statute Rules governing the prosecution of war crimes.
Particularly those war crime rules governing the prosecution of those
persons allegedly found guilty of perpetrating war crimes, evidence,
procedure and various protections for those accused of war
committing crimes. On (December 31st 2000), former United States
President Bill Clinton finally signed the Rome Statute immediately
prior leaving office.



However, many
human rights scholars claim he did so only to ensure the United
States is included in future ICC meetings safeguarding America’s
continual right to partake in forming a new International Criminal
Court, if created. After George W. Bush Junior took over
presidential office (May 2000) he explicitly denounced the United
States would be bound by Clinton’s signature on to the Rome
Statute. In fact both Bush and Clinton have acted aggressively to end
all and any cooperation with a newly formed international criminal
court as well as the with United Nations Security Council on matters
pertaining to world peace when it pertains to United States national
security interests.







This is made
manifest by their statements as is follows:


"In
signing (the Rome Statute 2000)…we are not abandoning our
concerns about significant flaws in the Treaty…The US should
have the chance to observe and assess the functioning of the court,
over time, before choosing to become under its jurisdiction. I will
not, and do not recommend that my successor, submit the Treaty to the
Senate for advice and consent until our fundamental concerns are
satisfied."


"We
in (2002) should isolate and ignore the ICC. Specifically, I propose
for United States policy-I have got a title for it…I call it
the Three Noes: no financial support, directly or indirectly; no
collaboration; and no further negotiations with other governments to
improve the Statute…This approach is likely to maximize the
chances that the ICC will wither and collapse, which should be our
objective."
5







III.
United States Political Willpower v.
World Peace







United States
security, economic interests and United States cooperation with the
United Nations Security Council in matters of world security remain
bipolar. Exemplary, was the case when the International Court of
Justice ruled against the United States in 1984 when it allegedly
illegally invaded Nicaragua being guilty itself of committing war
crimes and threatening international peace and security.



Similar
statements emanating from key American politicians seriously
undermined if not permanently damaged United States credibility in
delicate diplomatic matters, as also uncover the United States a
morally bankrupt insofar as human rights and social justice. Issues
such as these have placed a diplomatic wedge between the United
States and other non-western, non-liberal governed states such as
Iraq, China, Russia and Yugoslavia. Some human rights scholars also
maintain that they increase the risk of terrorist activities
currently directed against America and its citizenry by Islamic
fundamentalist groups such as, Al-Qaeda. Thus, such statements have
only helped make a mockery of United States and its high-minded human
rights rhetoric as it unilaterally uses militarism to invade
sovereign states while superseding United Nations Security Council
approval first. This is the case in both Clinton’s decision to
bomb Kosovo (1999) as well as in Bush’s current military
involvement in Iraq.







IV.
Consequences of United States Credibility At the United Nations







This current
one-sided trajectory the United States now takes in guiding its
future foreign policy directives involving militarism, in and of
itself has been injurious to United States credibility at the United
Nations Assembly. Unfortunately, the Vienna Convention gives
ambassadors total immunity from prosecution, even during times of war
(Article 31) from the minute the take up their post until they leave
the host country. The international community has had limited
success prosecuting some such as Hitler and have aided others escape.



The United States
is infamous for assisting condemned war criminals flee into exile The
United States gave ex President Aristide of Haiti a place of exile in
America from his unlawful killing of civilians in Haiti during the
time he served as President of that country. Another instance was
when the Marcos family fled to Hawaii in 1986. Ferninand Marcos was
a dictator from the Philippines who for over 13 years personally
dictated disappearances and torture interrogations. And the list
goes on including the famous Augusto Pinochet case in which Margaret
Thatcher and Henry Kissinger hope to escape being indicted themselves
for military supporting his coup in Chili (1973).
6







V. The
United
States and International Criminal
Law











Similarly on May
9th 1999, United Nations Human Rights Commissioner, Mary
Robinson stated that:



"people are
not collateral damage [inverse to what top NATO leaders in
particularly what English Prime Minister Jamie Shea proclaimed
publicly that accidentally killing hundreds of Yugoslav civilians via
NATO bombs were merely “Collateral damages”], people are
people."







Diplomats,
attorneys and many other high ranking international politicians such
as South Korean Foreign Minister Hong Soon-Young, Russian President
Boris Yeltsin, Former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark and many
Canadian scholars have been vocally criticizing NATO (1999 Kosovo
Crisis) and George W. Bush Junior’s invading Iraq 2004)
stating:



"From the
beginning, the United States and NATO act in an imperial and
uncontrolled manner by repeatedly circumventing Article 2 of the
United Nations Charter, and also its own Charter [OAS] the Vienna
Convention on the Laws and Treaties, and the Helsinki Accords of 1975
and unilaterally acting on its own national interests without concern
for world peace and human rights."







As international
criminal law progresses, lawsuits and complaints against the United
States and the NATO member states have been flooding the Hague where
the Int'l Court of Criminal Justice (IJC) is located alleging that
NATO leaders be held equally accountable for their own alleged war
crimes against world peace.







Over ten
countries have indicted former United States politicians such as
Henry Kissinger and Bill Clinton for being complicit in the plotting
and waging of unauthorized war against other sovereign nation-states.
Many of these Western politicians have also been repeatedly refused
VISA’s and entry into foreign countries. There also were
several arrest several warrants issued in Europe and also in the
Balkan’s for many top NATO leader’s including former
United States President, Bill Clinton and Tony Blair for spearheading
NATO’s use of unauthorized force against Yugoslavia (1999)’.
NATO's former Cold-War theme that "an attack on one [member of
the NATO] is considered as an attack upon all NATO members",
cannot account for the NATO military aggression launched against
Yugoslavia for 78 days last year.



Even former
Nuremberg Prosecutor, Benjamin Ferencz, strongly advocates United
States resistance to the ICC endangers world security in stating:



"The
greatest step forward in promoting the law of peace took place in
Nuremberg after World War Two. The International Military Tribunal
(IMT) Charter listed only three crimes that would come within the
Court's jurisdiction. The first [was] war Crimes Against Peace,
namely the planning, preparation, initiation or waging of war."











U.S. officials
increasingly fear that they themselves could come under the scrutiny
and suspicion of a newly established ICC. Especially in light of the
fact that in: "1996, the International law Commission composed
of 34 "independent experts" completed work on the draft
Code of Crimes that had first been ordered by the UN Charter in 1946.
It described "aggression" as a "customary law crime"
and created a "peremptory norm"---irrevocably binding on
all UN member states to abide by it."











The entire
matter throws an ominous shadow of shame upon the United States of
America and its leaders as we enter a new millennium and must not be
neglected. Especially in light of the NATO's latest political
objectives of expanding its original mandate regarding the Warsaw
Pact to transforming itself into an international and unilateral
global police force unconditionally independent from any UN Security
Council scrutiny.



Now more than
ever the time for establishing of an ICC is vital to global human
survival and establishing future world peace. Even if the U.S.
continues to resist subjecting itself to an ICC the court became
active in 2002 after 105 states ratified the Treaty and the Rome
Statute became the compulsory collective international legal rule of
law for the entire world in lieu of the NATO's unilateral militarism.
To elucidate the grave primacy of this matter, in a special report
published by the USIP regarding the NATO's 50th
Anniversary celebration, held April 23-25th (1999), the
USIP reports regarding the new NATO mandate of "humanitarian
intervention":







"Within the
alliance, Non-Article 5 missions may vary…Such missions
(backed primarily by both the U.S. and U.K.) are described by
Americans as "crisis response operations" (an activist
approach)…implying that such [military] missions would only be
used to [enforce coercively and to] support a peace agreement)."







What is striking
and most disturbingly remarkable abut the aforementioned complaints
being filed by Milosevic and others against the U.S. and its NATO
counterparts at the Hague (ICJ) is they are becoming increasingly
more difficult for the U.S and their NATO leaders counter. Scholars
of human rights and international criminal law have been primarily
conceding with local law officials in Beograd Serbia stating:



"that NATO
violated international humanitarian law…and that NATO may have
breached the Geneva Convention in five areas: it conducted air
attacks using cluster bombs near populated areas, attacked targets of
questionable legitimacy; did not take adequate measures to warn
civilians of strikes…"







Inverse to the
rhetorical proclamations made by many U.S. governmental officials,
the United States has shown itself to be entirely more interested in
judging the alleged human rights records of other countries more than
its own. Exemplary is the U.S. State Dept. web site (www.state.gov)
on which is listed all of the alleged human rights violations
committed by every country in the world, except for the U.S. This
U.S. brushing off of its own moral political obligation to uphold its
own human right instrument, the Organization of American States, has
steadily declined since World War Two.



This sad social
historical fact is revealed when inquiring into the history of the
U.S. and its past human rights track record with respect to the
world's former and present international criminal tribunals.



The first attempt
to establish an international criminal court was in 1907 during the
Second Hague Conference at the suggestion of former U.S. President
Theodore Roosevelt. He proposed an International Court of Justice
would:



"Decide
between nations, great or small, exactly as a judge within our own
limits [U.S. Western Courts] decides between individuals, great or
small…"



The reasons for
which Roosevelt's idea to establish an international criminal court
died in committee are both mysterious and controversial, yet worth
examining. Perhaps the idea died owing to many Non-western governed
states and their associated societies composed of primarily
traditional cultural communities whose governance is not premised
upon Western political philosophical principles being highly
skeptical of submitting themselves to a Western styled international
criminal tribunal. After all, much of this same skepticism is still
very prevalent today within the UN international relations purview
and is manifested in the following statements given by an African
Head of State:



"No one
but us understands the motives upon which we act. Imperialists talk
about human rights, drinking tea or sipping champagne. They can
afford to--after all, they have it made. If we had slaves for 200
years to build our roads, build our homesteads, sow our fields; if we
had multinationals for 300 years looting wealth from other people's
lands; if we had literate, healthy, well-fed citizens---if we had a
diversified economy and people had jobs---we too could talk human
rights from our air conditioned offices and homes. But we can't do
it; we have nothing."



In another
instance a Junior Minister joined in saying:



"You know,
professor, we wish imperialists could understand that the sick and
hungry have no use for freedom of movement or of speech. Maybe of
worship! Hunger dulls the hearing and stills the tongue. Poverty and
lack of roads, trains, or buses negate freedom of movement. You know,
freedom to own private property alone is demanded by less than 1%
here---those who had collaborated with imperialists in robbing the
poor masses. The poor are grateful and glad to share."







Whether this was
the problem at that time, we will never truly know. What we do know
is that two world wars have yet to teach the most powerful Superpower
in the world, the U.S., either the lessons or legacies of
strategically planning, instigating, engaging and waging aggressive
war. Two world wars have failed to teach many U.S. political
leaders the grave importance of working towards permanently
capitulating aggressive war altogether in order to safeguard against
the possible future extinction of humanity. Let's face it, the world
is not getting any safer insofar as nuclear weapons are concerned and
one atom bomb can ruin your whole day. Moreover, more persons have
died in genocidal civil wars since 1945 than in all of both the
former world wars together:



"Since 1945,
some 135 wars, most of them in the developing world, have killed more
than 22 million people--the equivalent of World War III..."







This paper is the
first part of a multi-volume series of works discussing various
impediments to the attainment of world peace. The clear continued
lack of genuine Political Willpower on the part of the U.S. to
assist the rest of the world and in particular the European Community
in establishing a permanent International Criminal Court with
compulsory jurisdiction over all nation-states constitutes part one
of this series. This author shares the opinion of former Nuremberg
Prosecutor Benjamin Ferencz regarding the primary impediment to
achieving World Peace and Global Human Survival. Undoubtedly, the
greatest impediment to attaining world peace is the fault of, and
also falls upon those member states within the international
relations purview and the UN such as Germany, the U.S. and U.K. For
these three states primary bare responsibility for stalling the
establishment of an International Criminal Court. According to
Ferencz:



"Every
effort should be made to obtain the widest possible acceptance of the
proposed International Criminal Court. Once all views have been
heard, bickering must stop and decisive action taken. The number of
signatories required…[to establish a treaty effectuating an
international criminal court]…should be kept to the minimum
needed to make the court operational; it should not exceed fifty."







No treaty is
officially binding upon any nation-state until embedded into its
domestic law such as in Europe. Both sad an ironic is that the U.S.
cannot even obtain the required two third vote from its own Senate in
order to ratify a Treaty that would establish an new International
Criminal Court with compulsory jurisdiction to impose its legal
adjudication's upon every country equitably. As read in Global
Survival, unlike the U.S., most of Europe has already established the
EEC (Court of European Communities). The EEC and its affiliated CJEC
(Court of Justice of European Communities) does possess compulsory
legal jurisdictions to impose its legal decisions upon its members by
superceding any European domestic law. It is also accessible to
individuals, states and corporation. This has been the cause of much
friction now existing between European states and the United States
regarding imposing political and economic sanctions against
Yugoslavia, Cuba, Iraq and Iran. In 1985 the U.S. withdrew itself
from the legal jurisdiction of the ICJ (International Court of
Justice) after the court rendered the U.S. guilty of committing "war
like acts". Thus U.S. Presidents and their associated political
entourages seemingly prefer judging other counties rather than their
own. This is clearly seen in the U.S. clearly rejecting to be bound
by the Treaty of the Laws of the Sea. Ferencz states in:



"December
1982, at Montego Bay in Jamaica, 119 delegates from 117 states signed
the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. It was an unprecedented and
monumental achievement that had taken over 14 years of work by
representatives of more than 150 countries…The sea-bed, the
vast area not immediately contigeous to national boundaries, was
declared to be "the common heritage of mankind. (Art. 136) Its
resources were to be used for the benefit of mankind as a
whole….[However] as in all such treatise there were some
states that would not accept some of its provisions. The United
States, that had the minig capacity to mine the seabed, was not
inclined to accept the diktat, or controls of any independent
authority regarding its actions on or under the high seas."







U.S. strategic
economic and political interests have often taken precedence over
upholding democracy and fundamental human rights (social and economic
as well as political and civic) in countries such as Iraq, Cuba and
Yugoslavia. As Ferencz states:



"Sovereign
states should realize that there is no danger in voluntarily
accepting certain restrains for the common good [of all
humanity]…States must finally summon the political courage to
accept universal "rules of the road" that bind everyone for
the benefit of everyone."







Now is the time
for all UN member states (past, present and upon new admission) to
concur it is wisdom to avoid war by at very least, making it
mandatory for UN member states to both recognize and ratify in their
domestic law, the three Nuremberg Principle war crimes. Nothing less
but the immediate establishment of an International Criminal Court
can guarantee that their will still be a world left for our world's
future posterity so that as Ferencz states:



"Never
Again would aggression, genocide, crimes
against humanity and war crimes be
tolerated without punishment of the
perpetrators."



In light of the
aforementioned international development of NATO expansion without UN
Security Council approval of its unilateral humanitarian militarism,
the dialectic tensions holding the delicate balance of world peace
together are becoming increasingly undone daily. The U.S political
leaders must come to terms with the idea that sharing the world's
wealth with other countries is far better than obliterating Earth and
all of humanity altogether. It is as sad as it is ironic that the
U.S. elite politicians cannot view this issue with the same
rationality others seem to be capable. The world community in the
21st century will undoubtedly face many new challenges.
Moreover, the growing uncertainty as to whether the future
international relations purview regarding world peace, security and
human rights will become better or worse than the previous century
remains to be seen. In addition, the tensions existing between the
duties of states to uphold and abide by the UN Charter while
simultaneously trying to uphold the fundamental human rights issues
and also sustaining world peace for the entire world in its diversity
will continue to grow. Yet, the U.S. has still remained strongly
opposed to the idea of establishing an international criminal court
and abiding by its fair rulings. Time will tell whether the world
will lean towards world peace or world war in the future.
Notwithstanding, the fact remains evident that unless the U.S. will
work with the rest of the world community in trying to achieve world
peace, it risks the possibility of possible human destruction by way
of its own nuclear weapons of mass destruction. Let us hope the U.S.
along with the rest of the world community of rational men and women
chose the former and not the latter path.



1
Please see United Nations Commission reports on: El Salvador,
Honduras, Chile, East Timor, Guatemala and Kosovo where the United
States supported regimes committing genocide and other atrocities.




2
Present United States President George Bush, similarly to his
successor William J. Clinton both superseded the United Nations
Charter as well as other important international treaties America is
signature to by unilaterally acting militarily in Iraq (2004) and
Kosovo (1999). On March 26th 1999, Thomas Campbell
(R-San Jose-C.A.) and fourteen other senators claimed Bill Clinton
violated the War Powers Act (1973) as well as constitutional law
which gives not the United States President but the congress the
legal right to declare war against another sovereign state if
“aggression” against the said state (in this case the
state was Serbia and Montenegro) continues for over 60 days by any
Presidential Executive Order. The Senators attempted to take former
president Clinton to court at the time. The War Powers Act was
implemented but congress post Vietnam to prevent another war like it
in the future.




3
NATO admitted using internationally banned weaponry during its 1999
bombing raid on Serbia and Montenegro which included depleted
uranium and cluster bombs. This resulted in an escalation of
leukemia and other cancers and some of the same birth defects seen
manifest with the Gulf War Syndrome. Depleted Uranium is still
widely used owing to its effectiveness in destroying tanks. The
uranium oxide from such bullets, when inhaled by humans allows for
dangerously painful fire hot particles about 0.5 microns across to
settle in the victims chest. The equivalent would be for a human to
subject themselves to about twenty chest X-rays per hour. Nearly
all NATO and Western European cruise missiles fired during the 1999
air raids contained DU in their warheads. DU has been classified as
a contraband weapon of mass destruction and illegal to deploy
according to the Geneva Conventions on war crimes [Cited from the
KDOM Daily Report, released by the Bureau of European and Canadian
Affairs, Office of South Central European Affairs, U.S. Department
of State, Washington D.C., December 21, 1999; Compiled by EUR/SCE
(202-647-4850) from daily reports of the U.S. element of the Kosovo
Diplomatic Observer Mission, December 21, 1999].




4
The Rome Conference Treaty was held in Rome (1998) where 120 nations
converged to adopt a statute securing an International Criminal
Court during a five week conference. Twenty-one nations abstained
and seven were opposed including: the United States, Israel, China
and India. From July 2002 forward, war crimes against humanity
committed anywhere in the world will at least in theory be subject
to prosecution and the ICC’s international jurisdiction.




5
These statements can be found on the World Federalist Web Site at:
http://www.unausa.org/site/pp.asp?c=fvKRI8MPJpF&b=345925
(Home Page 1)




6
Augusto Pinochet as the first head of state to be indicted by the
ICC for committing acts of murder and torture against the civilian
population in Chili in the 1970s.




Copy of authorcv20011








C.V.








Traveling extensively throughout South East Asia
at an early age, I gained an extensive understanding of cultural,
political, economic and ideological relationships producing the often
contentious international relationships existing between the United
States, and non-liberal / non-democratic governed states such as
Bosnia and Yugoslavia.



My past travels including Thailand, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Taiwan,
Japan and Malaysia have also given me a greater cosmopolitan
understanding of international relations, politics, human rights, and
also whereby diplomacy necessitates enhancing between liberal
democratic governed states such as the United States, and non-liberal
democratic governed states such as Serbia, Bosnia, Russia and the
Middle East.



My own ideological viewpoints strongly stress the similarities we
all share as human beings in both physiological and psychological
needs in lieu of centering primarily on only our ideological and
ethic differences. However, I am also cognizant that certain
political regimes both use and abuse, for their private personal
profit, religion, ethnicity, money, power, and nationalism as a means
by which to oppress their own citizenry. This in turn negatively
affects the rest of the world and I am convinced that for any
government to engage in gross human right violations is as great a
tragedy as it is a mistake. It is vital for any state's survival
that its citizens maintain a healthy dialectic relationship with
those that govern them in a mutual relationship based on both trust
and stability. When politicians blinded by vainglory, power and
greed cause this dialectic relationship to fail, wars, revolutions
and conflicts ensue such as in the breakup of the Yugoslavia Kingdom
once comprised of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as well is during
the recent 1999 Kosovo Crisis.



I also strongly believe the United States must subject itself to
the same high-minded human rights standards it demands the rest of
the world to abide by. Anything less is hypocritical and seriously
undermines world peace and perpetual human survival for all. The
United States also needs to better understand the peoples, politics
and culture of the Balkan states while simultaneously respecting and
preserving them according to the many United Nations Human Rights
Instruments. I also possess a strong interest in analyzing the
political geography, cultural and theological social spaces of those
territorial regions in both Yugoslavia and Bosnia where religion
plays a major role in both diplomacy and resolving civil war and
ethnic conflicts. This also includes analyzing those places where
potential conflicts may arise in order to eradicate them prior to any
uncontainable escalation.



And by doing so, it is my hope
that by analyzing our worlds' past political and historical
experiences, we will not repeat them. Living in an age where nuclear
weapons are bought and sold globally additionally calls for more
research into international and national security, an additional
field of interest to me. I hope eventually world leaders will begin
to better learn from those past legacies bequeathed to us by the
Ancient Roman Empire’s rise and fall to safeguard our present
world's future posterity; and also to prevent tragedies such as
W.W.II and its associated political messiah's from resurfacing.



I have personally witnessed
the greatly oppressed living conditions of the men, women and
children residing in less developed countries than the United States.
And by my also becoming friends with many beggars and lepers in the
streets of Indonesia and similar states, this experience has given me
an even greater moral commitment to enhance social justice and
economic equity for the persons now living in Yugoslavia and Bosnia
irregardless of their race, religion or ethnic creed. All human
beings deserve the basic human necessities guaranteeing their
survival and hence, I strongly stand against the Western imposed
political and economic sanctions placed on any country which are a
grave human rights violation in and of themselves.



As both an international and
national honor student I possess a strong interest in bringing these
aforementioned serious issues to the attention of the leaders and
policymakers of the United States in order to effectuate the changes
necessary to produce a more equitable application of international
criminal justice for all countries large and small. It is also of
grave importance that the leaders of the United States understand the
ways in which they alienate the states comprising the non-liberal
international world sphere which Western leaders often fail to
understand. Of equal importance is that the same leaders begin to
better protect and preserve the cultural integrity of non-western
governed societies and the social spaces thereof existing in Bosnia
and Yugoslavia.



It is vital for the leaders
of the Western world to both understand and respect the cultural
integrity and differences existing within our diversified and ever
evolving world to sustain world peace and stability. I sincerely
hope that as we enter deeper into the 21st century, we
will learn that we can all work together successfully, to construct a
hospitable world environment where world peace will one day prevail
over war. However, it is also my belief that this future prediction
regarding world peace will in no manner occur until the leaders of
the United States, Serbia, China and Russia and other countries
better understand and respect each other's unique and often bipolar
cultural and political domains.








My personal career objectives
include enhancing diplomatic relations between the United States and
both Bosnia and Yugoslavia. I also desire to work with the Law
Projects Center in advocating for greater human rights for all while
additionally helping to negotiate peaceful conflict dispute
resolutions between the aforementioned states. I also desire to work
towards developing progressive new peace theories that eventually
will be objectively applied to work within our present historical
time.



These are many but not all of
my future goals which includes one day advising high ranking
government officials as to the dangers of intervening militarily in
political territories such as Kosovo and Bosnia. By doing so I
believe future world crises such as the 1999 Kosovo crisis can be
avoided.



In working towards enhancing
diplomacy between the United States and the Former Yugoslavian
states, whether working independently or within an International
Alliance comparable to the United Nations, one of my greatest joys is
working to solve macro and micro political and social problems that
may cause any future world conflicts and to eradicate them prior to
their escalation.



I also look forward to working
within the United Nations purview to construct a more inclusive Human
Rights forum where Western leaders can better comprehend human rights
from a non-Western perspective. This would then serve to assist
Western political leaders in understanding the importance of adapting
a more ‘Culturally Relative' approach towards making human
rights policies for the Balkans.



In sum by applying my research, I hope to foresee possible future
world conflicts and social upheavals before they occur and hopefully
be capable of eradicating them through preventive and peaceful
measures.



My strong commitment to uphold social justice for all is the
intrinsic reward I seek more than any extrinsic reward while working
in my future endeavors as my past volunteer experience manifests.
Although possessing an extensive background in social and political
science, international criminal law, human rights, computer science
in addition to possessing keen analytical abilities and an excellent
scholastic record, I have mostly dedicated myself solely to my
studies and volunteer work. Dedicating time to law enforcement
agencies and other organizations has allowed me to make many a great
strides in America in curtailing drug cartels and also in assisting
in homicide investigations.



I worked with many law enforcement agencies throughout New Jersey
and New York and it has always been the intrinsic values of my work
that I value over any extrinsic reward that might be offered to me. I
would never work solely for extrinsic rewards. I have seen both the
good and corrupt side of American law and public policy and once I
myself was almost killed by having placed my own life in jeopardy due
to one particular investigation I was involved with. However, this
experience has not deterred me but inversely it has made my
dedication towards social justice much more strong.



My current studies include:
economics, geography, language, culture, foreign relations, theology
and whereby these subjects can enhance world peace and diplomacy. I
have a strong theological background within the Russian Orthodox
Church and have many friends of European Noble Ancestry e.g.,
Ukraine, Serbia, Romania, Hungary. These friends and others such as
Bishops in many Western and non-western states such as Italy,
Ireland, Serbia, and Great Britain have further given me an
exceptionally keen outlook on current world affairs.



Our current world conflicts
illuminate whereby our world's past bonds us to the present and to
our potential future. I have greatly enjoyed the greater
cosmopolitan understanding of world politics when speaking with my
friends some whom were/are closely related to Head’s of State
in Iraq, North East Asia, and Serbia and Russia. My conversations
with many of these people never ceases to give me new illuminating
insight into the political philosophies, and the national trends bad
and good alike existing in the world today. I am committed to nothing
less then the highest level of excellence in whatever future
endeavors I undertake in the international arena and with my lifelong
dedication to social justice for all peoples of all nations, nothing
less will suffice.



Many tasks lie ahead in this
field in our current historical time period and I am/ or have been a
member of the:



            American Sociological
Association



            Superior Court of New Jersey
Certificate Conflict Dispute Resolution



            International Sociological
Honor Society (AKD)




International Studies
Association

IMADR International Movement
Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism



            National Deans Listing 1997



            Graduated Honors WPUNJ 1997










Sunday, February 22, 2009

Law Projects Center Anti-Terorism Blog. (New York & Beograd Offices)

http://www.flickr.com/photos/jp_js/

You can view my anti-terrorism photo blog here. Some of the photos are extremely graphic of Al Qaeda so please do not allow children under the age of 18 years old to view them.

These photos are made public thanks to the hard work of the men and women of the Law Projects Center Yugoslavia (Int'l Offices).

http://members.fortunecity.com/lpca1/